Korean Catholic believers hold the mourning, funeral, and burial ceremonies as stipulated in the Sangjang yesik (Rites for mourning and funerals), published by the Catholic Bishop’s Conference of Korea (CBCK) in 2003. The CBCK, following the decision of its 2002 autumn regular general assembly, published the new edition as an adaptation of the Ch’ŏnju sŏnggyo yegyu (Catholic liturgical rites), which was compiled by Bishop Daveluy Marie Antoine Nicolas (1818-1866) of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris (MEP) in 1864. The revision aims to align it with traditional funeral rites and modern sensibilities while deepening its spiritual meaning. This essay examines the contemporary Korean Catholic rituals of mourning, funerals, and burials and sheds light on the religious diversity and inculturation presented in these ritual processes.
Catholicism was first introduced to Chosŏn Korea (1392-1910) in the form of books written in Literary Sinitic and referred to as Western Learning or Sŏhak (also Seohak, see Sheen 2025, 549) since the seventeenth century. Yi Sŭnghun (1756-1801) studied those books together with his friends and relatives and became the first Korean to be baptized by Father Jean de Grammont (1736-1812) in Beijing, China in 1784, where he accompanied his father who was dispatched as an envoy by Chosŏn. He was given Peter as his baptismal name. After returning home, Yi baptized his fellow scholars, such as Baptist John Yi Pyŏk (1754-1785) and Francis Xavier Kwŏn Ilsin (?-1791), and formed the first Korean Catholic Community that same year. They established the so-called “Pseudo-ecclesiastical hierarchy” (There was no missionary in Korea at that time but they wanted to perform a Mass and rituals, see Baker and Rausch 2017, 67-70). Peter Yi self-promoted as a bishop and appointed ten leaders as priests. They conducted Masses and heard confessions for about two years, while encouraging relatives or friends to convert to Western Learning (Catholicism). However, they found that their practices ran against Catholic doctrines, (probably from reading the Essential Points of Sacred Teaching by Hortis Ortizin 1705), and dispatched Paul Yun Yuil (1760-1795) to the bishop of Beijing to consult with him. Bishop Gouvea told Yun to stop their roles in the pseudo-clergy immediately and strongly instructed him not to conduct ancestor rites. The Holy See, under Pope Clement XI (1649-1721), had prohibited ancestor worship, deeming it to contain more elements of superstitious veneration than mere respect for ancestors (Catholic Korea CPBC). This decision caused a significant stir in Chosŏn Korea, where Neo-Confucianism, emphasizing filial piety and loyalty, was the dominant state ideology. When Yun came back home in 1790, early Catholic leaders ceased the pseudo-clergy system shortly. However, to stop deep-rooted ancestor worship in a yangban (aristocracy) family was not easy.
Nevertheless, when his mother passed away in 1791 (Sinhae year), Paul Yun Chich’ung (1759-1791) living in Chinsan County decided to follow the funeral ceremony in a Catholic way, following Bishop Gouvea’s instruction. When relatives and friends came wearing formal mourning attire, he refused to receive condolences and did not offer alcohol and food before the deceased. He even burned the sinju (ancestral tablet) of his mother. The ancestral tablet is believed to be a place where the souls of deceased ancestors reside for a certain period, and it becomes a dwelling where ancestors can receive offerings during ancestral rites. For sadaebu (scholar-officials), enshrining the ancestral tablet in a family shrine and offering greetings and respects as if their deceased parents were still alive was a norm they were obligated to uphold. However, Chich’ung, a scholar official family member who even passed the licentiate examination called Chinsasi, boldly disregarded this. He acted this way because he believed that establishing an ancestral tablet was forbidden by Catholicism, and he did not want to sin against the Heavenly Lord. The news on Chich’ung’s strange behaviors at his mother’s funeral widely spread to the Chinsan magistrate and the royal court in the capital. Paul Yun Chich’ung and his cousin James Kwŏn Sangyŏn (1750-1791) were arrested, interrogated, and then executed (Baker and Rausch 2017, 75-81). They became the first Korean martyrs and were beatified on August 16, 2014 when Pope Francis came to Korea. Their remains were discovered 230 years later in March 2021 when Cheonju Diocese excavated other martyrs’ graves (The Kyŏnghyang Daily September 1, 2021).
This Chisan Incident, also known as Sinhae Persecution had far-reaching repercussions. The incident profoundly shocked the central government and the Confucian scholarly community, creating an irreversible rift between the Chosŏn dynasty and Catholicism and triggering severe persecutions against early Korean Catholics that lasted for more than 100 years, until persecution ceased with the Korea and France Treaty of 1886. The refusal to perform ancestor worship meant the refusal for filial piety. It also meant the refusal to obey the monarch because the ruler was like a father to a subject. Accordingly, Catholics were regarded as beings “without father and king” in a Confucian society where filial piety and loyalty were greatly emphasized. They were dangerous beasts who threatened state ideology and therefore should be executed. However, the Holy See began to shift its stance, moving towards respecting the inculturation of Eastern cultures. After Pope Pius XI (1857-1939) permitted the veneration of Confucius in 1935, the Vatican issued the “Instruction on Chinese Rites” on December 8, 1939, conditionally allowing ancestral rites. Subsequently, in June 1940, the CBCK discussed this change regarding ancestral rites and issued a joint pastoral letter, officially adopting the practice in the Korean Church. Thus, after the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), the Korean Catholic Church finally allowed ancestral rites as a form of respect for indigenous culture.
Funeral Chants (Yŏndo)
Then how did early Korean Catholics conduct the funerals? Pope Gregory XVI established the Chosŏn Vicariate Apostolic and appointed Bishop Barthélemy Bruguiére (1792-1835) as its first Vicar Apostolic in 1831. Unfortunately, the bishop passed away unexpectedly from illness on his way to Korea. In 1836 Fr. Maubant finally arrived in Korea in secret, dressed as a monk with his hat tucked deeply to avoid detection, and escorted by devotees. Until then, early Korean Catholics had to perform their religious rituals mainly using the prayer books written in Literary Sinitic that Peter Yi brought back from China in 1784. Among them, the books regarding funerals were the Ch’ŏnju sŏnggyo ilgwa (天主聖敎日課 Everyday prayer of the holy teachings of the Lord of Heaven) by Jesuit missionary Niccolò Longobardo (1559-1654) and the Sujin ilgwa (袖珍日課 Pocket book of every day prayer) by Emmanuel Diaz (1574-1659) (59-60). These books include prayers for the souls in purgatory and the deceased parents. The prayers for the dead or funeral chants called the yŏndo (煉禱) are sung to God and the saints in heaven, being attuned to the Korean traditional rhythm.
Originally, these funeral chants were handed down orally. However, it was Kim Tŭksu (1931-?), head of the federation of the Yŏllyŏnghoe (Funeral Committee), who started to transcribe these songs by travelling around the nation for more than 10 years. Every parish has a funeral support community to provide assistance for the bereaved family at Catholic funerals. The funeral chants are transcribed to match the Korean traditional rhythms typically used when a bier called the sangyŏ was carried to the grave site. These chants are sung to a unique Korean traditional melody, often described as a melodious, plaintive, or soulful tune. The main purpose is to pray for the souls of the departed, especially those believed to be in purgatory, to aid their purification and hasten their entry into Heaven. These funeral chants are sung collectively by the bereaved family, friends, and members of the funeral support team. In Korea, every parish has a funeral support team and its members come to pay their respects and help the bereaved family. It fosters a strong sense of community and mutual support during times of grief. This prayer for the dead also offers immense comfort and hope to the living, reminding them of the resurrection and the promise of eternal life in Christ. The funeral chants typically include various prayers and biblical texts, such as psalms (e.g., Psalm 130, Psalm 51), litanies of saints (asking for their intercession for the deceased), and specific petitions for the soul of the departed. The structure often involves a call-and-response format, where one person or a small group leads, and the rest of the assembly responds. It is performed not only during actual funeral rites but also on memorial days (kiil in Korean) and holidays such as lunar new year day and Korean version of thanksgiving Han’gawi or Ch’usŏk. These funeral chants are a profound expression of Korean Catholic identity, reflecting the Korean emphasis on filial piety and collective mourning, adapting Christian practices to local customs. Indeed, they stand out as the specifically Korean tradition that embodies the unique blend of faith and culture in the Korean Catholic Church.
Burials
Burying ancestors in an auspicious site and caring for their graves through generations was long considered an important filial piety that descendants must follow. During the Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945), however, Koreans were forced to conduct the modern form of cremation, different from that of Buddhism, as new regulations were put into effect in 1912. Accordingly, cremation was understood as a legacy of the Japanese colonial period, and the national sentiment of reluctance towards it still exists long after Korea’s liberation in 1945. Traditionally, to bury the dead, the bereaved family would prepare a clan mountain called sŏnsan. However, the cost of land has increased steeply, making it impossible to afford a private family grave site. Moreover, it is not easy to manage the grave site for generations, due to the nuclear family structure. Subsequently, since the late 1990s, Korea has witnessed a rapid increase in cremation. Nevertheless, Koreans prefer to bury their ancestors. In feng shui beliefs, burying ancestors in an auspicious location called myŏngdang can bring great prosperity to their descendants. In fact, a Catholic politician was elected president on his fourth attempt after relocating his parents’ graves according to a geomancer’s advice. He became the first Nobel Peace Prize laureate in 2000 in Korea. However, it is said that powerful cosmic energy can actually be detrimental to individuals who lack the virtue to serve those around them and their people. This is why, some argue, despite grave relocations, several powerful presidential candidates failed in elections in the past (The JoongAng Daily May 31, 2020).
The Korean Catholic Church did not accept cremation at first but has recently changed its position to allow it. However, most Catholics prefer burials and use the public cemeteries run by the parish or diocese. When the bereaved family arrives at the grave site after the requiem mass, the han’gwan yesik (rite of descending the casket) is held to bury the dead. Our family grave site is located in the capital area. In burial, my parents were laid down on seven pieces of black stones called Ch’isŏngp’an (seven-star board). This originated from Ch’ilsŏng sinang (the seven-star faith or the big dipper faith). The seven stars refer to the Big Dipper, a prominent asterism in the northern sky, which are believed to control a person’s good fortune and longevity. This belief originally existed in Korea as a folk belief. It is also asserted that the faith was derived from Daoism in China, and then introduced into Korean Buddhism.
Mourning Period
The Rites for mourning and funerals says that the Church does not disregard the spirit and customs of the times and regions concerning the dead, and accepts all that is good in them, but if any of them are contrary to the spirit of the Gospel, they are changed so that the spirit of the Paschal Mystery may be well manifested (11-12). Even after completing the funeral rites, it is said to be beneficial for the deceased’s soul to pray for funeral chants, especially on the days designated by the church: the 3rd, 7th, 30th, and 1st anniversary of their passing. During the vespers (man’gwa), the Hail Mary and Our Father are recited once for the deceased. In general, Catholics sponsor a Mass for the dead on the third day called Samu and then go to the grave site, as Confucians and Buddhists do. As for the mourning period, it is customary for the bereaved family to sponsor a Mass for 49 days. In Buddhism, after death there is an intermediate state of 49 days before reincarnation, similar to purgatory in Catholicism (Sem Vermeersch 2014, 23). Korean Catholics are encouraged to sponsor a Mass for 50 days on the grounds that the spirit descended on the disciples after Easter Day (Acts 2:4). However, this is not required in Catholic doctrine. Regardless of religious affiliation, Koreans tend to keep the 49-day mourning period. Following tradition, the mourning duration can also last for one or three years, in line with Confucian practices.
Conclusion
The early Korean Catholic Church followed the “Oppose Buddhism and Supplement Confucianism” policy in an attempt to avoid persecution. Nevertheless, some elements of Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and even Shamanism seem to be mixed into contemporary Catholic mourning, burial, and funerary ceremonies. Even though it is not easy to distinguish between ethnological traditions and religious elements clearly, religious plurality has become deeply involved in contemporary Koreans’ lives. This probably results from the Second Vatican Council’s allowing of indigenization and local traditions in Catholic rituals.
