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Asian American literary criticism’s analysis of contemporary orientalisms centered around the figuration of Asian subjectivities reminds political theologians that unconscious (white) fear and fascination with the Orient still guides political and theoretical engagement with the Asian “other.”

Since the publication of Edward Said’s Orientalism, religious scholarship has incorporated postcolonial criticism into its theoretical toolkit. In conjunction with poststructuralist and postmodern scholarship on the politics of difference, orientalism as an analytic framework has aided critical scholarship interrogating western hegemony in the academic study of the religions, cultures, and theologies of the subaltern “Other” (or Denise Ferreira da Silva’s “others of Europe”). Some works engaging postcolonial criticism to deconstruct Orientalist constructions of religious subaltern subjectivities include Charles H. Long’s Significations, David Chidester’s Empire of Religion, and Tomoko Masuzawa’s The Invention of World Religions.

It is established that 19th century Orientalist Studies heavily influenced the standardization of methodologies and theoretical interlocutors for the scientific study of religions and comparative theology; however, the question of how contemporary orientalisms—as residual and emergent phenomena—affect contemporary religious and theological scholarship has been underexplored, and/or has had a marginal impact on contemporary comparative religious scholarship beyond the study of Judaism and Christianity. While decolonial approaches to religious and theological studies have challenged Eurocentrism and western hegemony in representing the religiocultural other, they rely on a genealogical and archaeological approach for analyzing the centrality of religion/theology in constructing and sustaining the Colonial Matrix of Power from the early modern period onward. A historicist approach is taken along with the archaeological project of recovering an authentic representation of the religious subaltern subject or a minor transparent indigenous subjectivity.

Resisting the discursive formation of contemporary orientalisms reproduced by overvaluing historicism, Jane Iwamura’s Virtual Orientalism analyzed the figure of the Oriental Monk and examined how media representations of contemporary religious cultures in Asia prime US consumers (and, to a certain extent, religious scholars) to identify, recognize, and internalize certain notions of “authentic” Asian religious subjectivities while promoting the narrative that (white) western converts to Asian religious traditions serve as spiritual successors and protectors of their most pristine authentic forms. This essay builds on Iwamura’s work on Virtual Orientalism by exploring Asian/American and Global Majority scholarship on techno-orientalism. Countering overt and covert orientalisms, Global Majority scholars take both archaeological and futurist approaches to unpack how orientalism is reproduced in literature, film, media, news, social media, and fashion.

Whereas Iwamura tracks the hyperreality of mass mediated images representing the Oriental Monk figure, techno-orientalism emerges in mid-twentieth century US science fiction, taking East Asian cultural artifacts and landscapes as the mise-en-scéne for critiquing the perceived East Asian mastery of Euro-American technology and capitalism. Techno-orientalism was coined by David Morley and Kevin Robins in Spaces of Identity to index representations of the Far East in US media. Central to this representation is Euro-American anxiety over the economic success of East Asian nation-states. Cyberpunk, a science fiction subgenre combining film noir narrative techniques with futuristic technological dystopian contexts, exemplifies this anxiety. William Gibson’s Neuromancer, Ridley Scott’s Blade Runner, and the Wachowskis’ Matrix Trilogy are notable examples of cyberpunk. While the genre is hailed for its critiques of capitalism, multinational corporations, and dystopian applications of technology, Asian American literary scholars analyze how it reproduces orientalist representations of Asian bodies and subjectivities found in early 20th century Hollywood productions. In addition, the dystopian future’s imagined location in a futuristic dystopian Japan centers Japanese techno-corporatism and the authoritarian state’s role in undermining western liberal democratic societies. Japan thus serves not only as the historic Yellow Peril of the past (World War II), but also the present/future of threatened white (male) hegemony.

As residual and emergent reproductions of racist Hollywood tropes, techno-orientalist representations of Asian subjectivities and embodiments resonate with Iwamura’s arguments in Virtual Orientalism. Predecessors to the Oriental Monk figure in Hollywood include the benign yet perpetually foreign Charlie Chan alongside gendered yellowface performances of Yellow Peril in Fu Manchu and Dragon Lady. Karen Tei Yamashita argues that the Dragon Lady, tragic Butterfly, and Lotus Blossom Baby figures are Orientalist in the concomitant signification of romanticization/fetishization and disgust/fear on the Asian woman’s body. The Dragon Lady as a femme fatale Yellow Peril that is simultaneously desirable and deceitful proliferates in media such as Battlestar Galactica, Hitman: Agent 47, Deus Ex: Human Revolution and the James Bond series. In all of these portrayals, Asian women are represented as tragic figures that need saving by white agents (see “Can the Subaltern Speak?”) or are deserving of their tragic fate for their duplicity.

Ann May Wong’s performances in typecast roles such as Dragon Lady and Butterfly provided an archetype for the figure of the Asian female cyborg that informs both Donna Harraway’s posthumanist feminist “A Cyborg Manifesto” and techno-orientalist permutations of Yellow Peril in cyberpunk, such as the unfeeling robot archetype. In the former, the gendered posthuman figure’s racialization in the essay’s accompanying visuals is glossed over, sustaining a narrative of white subjectivities’ liberation predicated upon the erasure of racialized difference and racialized subaltern subjects’ material dispossession and suffering. This narrative is also apparent in the juxtaposition of the two cyborgs in Alex Garland’s Ex Machina, with Kyoko embodying the subservient Lotus Blossom Baby stereotype and white-passing Ava liberating itself.

The figure of the unfeeling robot is deployed in depictions of Asian laborers and factory workers as unfeeling, dehumanized producers of electronics repressed by authoritarian corporations and governments. Asian philosophies such as Confucianism are cited to justify the perception that Asians are less individualistic and more communitarian. Like western perceptions of Asian commodities such as motorcycles, Asians are perceived as interchangeable replicants who reproduce inferior facsimiles of western ingenuity. The Asian robot as cold and obedient also reinforces the imagination of Yellow Peril as a threatening mass, like Chinese combatants during the Korean War or Japanese kamikaze pilots during World War II. In techno-orientalist fiction, Asian subjects are depicted as unable to exert a critical voice and resist repressive Asian corporate subjugation, unlike their western counterparts who master the essence of Asian philosophies to harmonize it with western transparent subjectivity to overcome future disciplinary apparatuses.

Betsy Huang argues in “Premodern Orientalist Science Fictions” that American science fiction relies on Orientalist representations of the racialized subaltern other. The premodern orientalist trope is figured in the “vocabulary of robots, androids, replicants, and cold, calculating Asian arch-nemeses,” (24). Prior to cyberpunk, premodern or proto techno-orientalism idealized and fetishized “ancient Eastern philosophies and texts” as Virtual Orientalism romanticized a particular notion of Asian religiosity and cultures in the virtual or visual media. Philip K. Dick’s The Man in the High Castle and Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Lathe of Heaven romanticized Daoist philosophy and the Yijing, just as the Oriental Monk figure idealized Zen Buddhism and Hindu yogis. Huang argues that techno-orientalism in American science fiction signifies “Asia as technology rather than as designers and wielders of it” (39) and commodifies Asian religiocultural resources “in service of a liberal humanist agenda” (37). Asian subjectivities and religious cultures are instrumentalized to service and refine Euro-America’s hegemonic critical futurist visions. Asian subjects and vistas act as mere window dressing for the white posthuman subject’s deliberations of further self-actualization and liberation in a technologically complex and evolving world.

Whereas cyberpunk and Japonism dominated techno-orientalist representations of Asian subjectivities from the 1970s to early 1990s, the development of post-cyberpunk from the mid-1990s shifted its gaze away from Japan toward China, South Korea, and Southeast Asian nation-states. Techno-orientalist critiques of Cloud Atlas and the western media’s praise of South Korea’s initial response to the pandemic speak to post-cyberpunk Asian subjectivities and national polities. Post-cyberpunk genres reflect more on the effects of globalization and neoliberalism alongside innovations in technology, spawning genres such as nanopunk, fiscal orientalism, and algorithmic orientalism. Japan is central to “Wacky” Orientalism’s fixation on the bizarre, strange, and comical aspects of Japanese Otaku, gaming, and nerd subcultures. Cyberpunk’s revival since the 2010s has birthed an Asian-void future in Blade Runner 2049, interactive techno-orientalist video games like Cyberpunk 2077, and an amalgam of DIY musical genres like vaporwave that are reliant on a retrofuturist aesthetic of Japanese typography, animation, and visuals.

Techno-orientalist representations and narratives run parallel to late 20th century anti-Asian violence and hate crimes. These historic tragedies counter assertions that techno-orientalist studies are merely cultural or ideological critiques abstracted from material realities. The murder of Vincent Chin, a Chinese American draftsman misidentified as a Japanese auto worker, occurred several days before Blade Runner’s theatrical release. In Anime Wong, Karen Tei Yamashita writes that “Vincent Chin became a victim and casualty of misguided and hostile fears about Asia, about Japanese and the competition for superiority in a global automotive industry…[losing] his life in the technology wars between Asia and the U.S.” (177). Stephen Hong Sohn explains that in the imagined technology war, American subjects “maintain a sense of moralistic superiority…as an embattled but resistant fighter” against Asian technological dominance (9).

Contemporary techno-orientalism shifts the technology wars’ terrain to China. The heavily politicized ban of technological products developed by Chinese tech companies with ties to the Chinese Communist Party, such as Huawei’s 5G infrastructure products and ByteDance’s TikTok, is a continuation of the techno-orientalist anti-Asian racism that motivated the murder of Vincent Chin. Mel Y. Chen highlights how in the mid-2000s, consumer toy products containing heavy metals such as mercury were racialized as Chinese through appeals to the Yellow Peril trope. Sinophobic attitudes already intensified by Fiscal Orientalism’s imagination of US-China conflict in terms of a creditor/debtor relationship reached a new peak last year with the racialization of COVID-19 as “Kung Flu” and the “China Virus.” The murder of Christian Hall and more than 10,000 reported hate incidents against AAPI persons from March 19, 2020 to September 30, 2021 attest to the materiality of techno-orientalism’s contemporary derivatives.

Critiquing political theology through the lens of contemporary orientalisms helps us uncover how political theologians also unwittingly reproduce these orientalisms through both fascination and disgust, romanticization and demonization. In short, some political theology projects perpetuate (neo)colonial extractive practices toward Asian subjectivities and religiocultural resources. Scholars continue to imagine Asian religious subjectivites as violent and uncivilized without carefully examining how Euro-American imperialism and the priming effect of virtual orientalism created the necessary conditions for the growth of right wing religious nationalists such as Hindu nationalist/supremacists via the circulation of capital. Ironically, white scholars appalled by supremacism “out there” lead the charge to decolonize yoga, conforming to the narrative of the Oriental Monk’s white successors who serve as ideological caretakers to an ancient Asian tradition corrupted by “cultural accretions” and decadent modernity.

Positive, romanticized reflections on Asian traditions by white political theologians/theorists place “the Orient…[as] the cognitive estrangement device of choice” to critique and reform western modernity (Huang, “Premodern Orientalist Science Fictions,” 39). Like the techno-orientalism embedded in western science fiction, white theoretical appropriations of Asian religiocultural concepts further western political and ideological interests through archaeological quests searching for ahistorical authenticity that forcibly severs religiocultural traditions from Asian/American practitioners and communities. Discursive formations of contemporary orientalisms in political theology/theory reassert western power, the will to self-definition, or the overrepresentation of white political gendered subjectivities in (post)humanist ecologies. Huang explains, “[A]s useful as the Orient has been in helping the West find its way, evidently—and quite ironically— it does not seem to be as effective in showing Asians the ‘way,’ given the charges of social oppression and human rights violations continually leveled at China, Japan, and other Asian countries by Western politicians and Asian dissidents” (39). Asian/Americans cannot be trusted with their own religiocultural legacies; they can only further white historical progress and development by serving as a critical whetstone for (post)human white subjectivities.

Pledges of solidarity with Asian/Americans in a season where nearly 1 in 5 have experienced anti-Asian racism must be accompanied by an examination of how contemporary orientalist representations and ideologies are embedded in political theological projects interacting with Asian religions, philosophies, and cultures. Politically liberative projects seeking to go beyond Euro-American political theory and Christian theology may inadvertently romanticize Asian religiocultural resources while abstracting them from Asian practitioners and institutions.

Trumpism, the alt-Right, and white nationalism are not the only players invoking Sinophobia to support either liberal humanism or utopian posthumanism centering the white political subject’s self-determination and autonomy.  Neither are naïve celebrations of “positive” Asian representations in contemporary media, film, and music to be seen as victories over the Orientalist imagination. Such celebrations merely reproduce the “model minority myth,” lauding successful assimilation by exceptional cosmopolitan ethnic subjects or feeding into the white gaze’s insatiable consumption of subaltern suffering. As seen with vaporwave’s deployment of techno-orientalist retrofuturist aesthetics, ambiguous or satirical takes on popular culture could inadvertently rely on racially reductive tropes and be usurped by neo-fascist alt-right organizers online. Sustained critical analysis of various representations of Asian subjectivities and religious cultures in media and scholarly production is necessary to resist the commodification, fetishization, and objectification of Asian bodies into minor transparent subjects “still subjected to economic exploitation and dispossession, meet[ing] the force of law (juridical universality) almost exclusively in its punitive instantiation, in the policing of immigrants and refugees and the threat of self-righteous neoimperial violence” (Da Silva, Toward a Global Idea of Race, 35).

Political theologies focused on critiquing neoliberal political economies, Euro-American modernity, and repressive kyriarchies inhibiting (post)human self-determination, agency, and performance can invoke or erase the minor Asian transparent subject when 1) extracting Asian religiocultural resources without concern for the material wellbeing and emancipation of Asian bodies, 2) purportedly advocating for the plight of Asian subjectivities by performing the role of the Oriental Monk’s white successor or white savior, 3) wresting away Asian subjectivities’ epistemic power through white hermeneutical excavation of Asian texts, and 4) demonizing Asian religious nationalisms/fundamentalisms/supremacism in modernity by distancing them from Euro-American neocolonial and neoimperialist activity and ideology.

In sum, Asian American literary criticism’s analysis of contemporary orientalisms centered around the figuration of Asian subjectivities reminds political theologians that unconscious (white) fear and fascination with the Orient still guides political and theoretical engagement with the Asian “other.” Whether imagined as a revolutionary multitude during the Umbrella Movement or Arab Spring, or as a repressed, unfeeling mass dehumanized by global capitalist supply chains, the Asian subject is figured predominantly from a white gaze and desire to reproduce its transparent subjectivity. Asian political subjectivities become legible through subsumption into western political categories and interests rather than on their own terms. The Asian politicized subject in political theology/theory thus supports western modernity’s definition of revolution, human rights, liberation, the common good, dignity, or ecological civilization.

I close by reflecting on the recent cultural sensation around the South Korean series, Squid Game. Buzz around the show manifested in star-studded Hollywood parties where guests dressed up and played the sadistic contest games from the show. Squid Game paraphernalia and apparel proliferated in the online marketplace as scammers capitalized on the cryptocurrency craze with Squid Coin. Critics stared aghast at its gratuitous violence, panned it as a Korean “Most Dangerous Game,” or opined about the sadistic nature of the audience as spectator to blood sport. Such panning conforms to contemporary orientalist representations and attitudes of Asian subjectivity, narrative, and bodies. As such, they are unable to see the show’s subtle acknowledgement that a hypercapitalist South Korea is the product of western and Japanese imperialism, modernization, and development that persists as a de facto neocolonial laboratory for neoliberal policies and corporatism. The causalities become nameless, tragic figures that are affective subjects unable to escape their self-chosen misery. Contemporary orientalisms, exemplified by the US reception of Squid Game, implicitly prime consumers and scholars to engage with Asia with the same gaze, desires, and relational frameworks that resubjugate it in speculative futures where white transparent subjectivity remains normative, agential, and liberative.

Annotated Bibliography

Morley, David and Kevin Robins. Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic Landscapes, and Cultural Boundaries (New York: Routledge, 1995).

Morley and Robins’ chapter coining techno-orientalism and outlining its relationship to transformations in culture and communication in the digital era is part of this monograph.

Park, Jane Chi Hyun. Yellow Future: Oriental Style in Hollywood Cinema (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010).

Park reworks Said’s definition of Orientalism by applying it to popular culture, shifting the geographic focus from Europe and the Atlantic Ocean to the United States and the Pacific Ocean, and analyzing the illegibility of Asian subjectivities for the white gaze through superimposing the technological imaginary on Asia.

Techno-Orientalism: Imagining Asia in Speculative Fiction, History, and Media. Edited by David S. Roh, Betsy Huang, and Greta A. Niu (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2015).

This is the first major edited volume within Asian American Studies that critically engages techno-orientalism and its role in shaping how Asia is imagined in western popular culture and media.


Native survivance, in [Gerald] Vizenor’s parlance, is a combination of the words “survival” and “resistance,” and it “creates a sense of presence.” According to him, “The suffix -ance designates a condition, a nature, or a quality that is more than a mere description of survival.”


Where relationality is most productive in critical projects is where it transcends its projects of critique and explores the possibilities—ethical, political, and theological—of its account of subjectivity and community.


Facing the violence of contemporary terror, many intellectuals have spoken in our present times about a return of political theology and religion in its violent forms. Attention to the concept of martyrdom has reappeared due to an increasing interest in religious conflicts.


In autopoiesis, there is no separation between what we do and the particular way in which the world appears to us.


Where state sovereignty as theology would have subjected groups accept their condition with its attending violence and suffering, the micro sovereignty I propose here – not merely as a futuristic idea, but more as a reflection on how subjected groups have dealt with subjection – invites us not to accept that violence and suffering, but to find creative ways out of it through the cracks of Empire.


Abolition is a process of imagining alternatives to the settler colonial, carceral present; it requires modes of kinship and care to replace prisons and policing.

Gratuitous Violence

Signifying a critical homology between the fields of Black studies and political theology, gratuitous violence is an important keyword for interrogating how religio-political concepts can afford unique insights into issues of slavery, race, and the human which continue to inform our world today.  


Asian American literary criticism’s analysis of contemporary orientalisms centered around the figuration of Asian subjectivities reminds political theologians that unconscious (white) fear and fascination with the Orient still guides political and theoretical engagement with the Asian “other.”


Thing as concept can be helpful to elucidate the specific yet ambiguous interaction of the religious and the political. Using recent thingly theoretical work within these two spheres, with an emphasis on body and shape, I will suggest ways through which thing (and things and thingness) both clarifies and challenges that interaction.


Diaspora might be a problem for political progressives for the very reason that it is so alluring. Diaspora promises both freedom and connection: freedom from national borders or the essentialisms of race and language, connection between people who affirm shared memory and heritage.
But heritage is never really free.


If there is one thing that can be said about blackness, it is this: blackness is unruly.

Black Reason

Black reason is propelled by a fantastic imaginary, a changeling animus that aggregates and transmogrifies the desires and fears of whiteness.

Racial Capitalism

The historical and theoretical relationships between race and capitalism are internally contested and in need of further exploration from theologians and scholars of religion.


Sometimes referred to as “population control,” other times “better breeding,” eugenics has been seen as a religious solution to social ills, and sometimes a new religion unto itself.


Gilroy’s “planetary humanism” contributes to political theology by offering more than a critique: in his work, humanism is a starting point, a concept to guide multicultural political projects today.


Official responses to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have encouraged us to understand risk in individual terms. They’re wrong: risk is all about interdependence.

Food Sovereignty

Food sovereignty represents a refusal of a globally commodified food system in favor of systems and institutions that support self-sufficient communities.


Doxa is a term used in sociology to contend with belief and orthodoxy without reducing either to behavior or cognition. It explores disposition and embodied belief—the gut sense of the world which is acquired through practice rather than discourse.

Settler Colonialism

I propose Decolonial Settler Theology as a contextual political theology that is uniquely the task of the settler, who must face their own complicity in narratives of ongoing colonization and aim at their undoing.


In an era during which police institutions and ideology are so fundamental to our cultural common-sense, how can theologians and critical theorists challenge this form of power?


This essay takes taboo as a critical term to trace the history of our modern present and as a conceptual companion with which to think through the complex entanglement of the ethical, the theological, and the political.


What is still nascent… is an explicit conversation between political theology and critical theories of affect, particularly in a way that might contribute to constructive projects. The sort of political theology that might emerge from such collaboration would consider how affective regimes intersect with theological constructions or religious performances.


While kinship has traditionally held a vibrant conceptual life in anthropological inquiry, more recent studies on kinship as a form of spiritual relationality have opened up a new space of interdisciplinary exploration for political theology.


The modern state form itself is inextricable from the commandement, not just as an emblem for sovereignty in Schmitt’s sense, but also because the exemplary political form of modernity, the nation-state, has racist and exclusionary tendencies that can be understood as political-theological transfers of monotheistic principles.


That structural violence is always also relational, proximate, and personal is, perhaps, one of the core insights that the concept of mourning brings to the fore for political theology.


The conversation about nature’s personhood and rights is always political, often legal, and sometimes theological. Most importantly, it is a localized conversation about the boundaries of a given community – who is part of the community and who isn’t.


For political theology, we might find ourselves compelled by practices that seek to connect us with our ecologies, our communities, and our relations with ourselves – in ways that are more about humility and provisionality than finding cures or solutions.


Queer, I think, should remain different, differing, dissonant, and plural. It shouldn’t contract or calcify into anything singular or solid.


If theorizations of care are to more directly address the current “crisis of care,” we need not only to prioritize the kinds of embodied, particularized care that care ethics has highlighted in the past, but to explore a wider range of caring relationships and their diverse structures.


A preliminary question for political theology is how to understand the meaning and significance of matter. The response to this question shapes how a political theology does or doesn’t engage political economy and theological tradition.


The triangulation of money, sovereignty, and divinity is a good point of entry to study the mutual constitution of theological and political concepts and the questions about ultimate value and social form that they raise.


Refusal is a strong current resisting the structure of settler colonialism. It crashes, churns, and erodes the death-dealing dams of settler knowing. Its path turns away from the settler’s gaze.


Seva lends itself to easy appropriation across political and religious contexts, while also furnishing mutually intelligible tropes of service, welfare, and social betterment.


Political theology intimately understands that given reality teems with forms of life that remain opaque to us.


Spillers, Cheng, and Halberstam provide us with tools to approach the histories of violence, economics, relationships, desires, and contestation that infuse our experiences with flesh in its multiplicity. Flesh is never neutral.


It is not always possible (or advisable) to separate the “political” from the “religious” or “cultural” in Indigenous contexts. Indeed, all of these are concepts developed by outsiders to describe Indigenous life. Instead, Indigeneity invites scholars of political theology and related fields to consider the relationships between these threads of cultural life.


As we watch the illusion that was Man fall apart, we also see these more-than-human worlds that Man called “animal” disrupting and revealing the cracks and fractures in his own divine intentions.

Temporality I: History

William Apess, like Walter Benjamin a century later, sought to shift the paradigms of society with history and theology as orienting poles for colonial critique. Anticipating Benjamin, Apess looked to those who had been wrecked by the advance of colonialism as the grounding site for historical and political theological inquiry.

Temporality II: Futurity

Both Benjamin and Apess discern that historical narratives are imbricated with notions of futurity, that is, which bodies and polities are allowed to inhabit and thrive within the temporality in which the “not yet” and the “always already” co-constitute each other.


In this short essay, written from my perspective as a Jewish feminist, I draw together a plurality of engagements with natality to engender new conversations in political theology.

Critical Race Theory

CRT is a framework or an approach to understanding the way racism is foundational to systems of judicial, political, social, cultural, religious, and theological power.


[S]ituating demonology more fully in its religious and theological contexts furnishes resources that not only nuance understandings of movements for whom demonization is central, but also recontextualize discussions of core political theological concepts, including sovereignty, power, economy, subjectivity, and freedom.


From Myanmar to Mariupol, from the streets of Memphis to the waves and winds of the Mediterranean Sea: resistance to violence takes many forms. So does political protest against precarity. At which point does the unavoidable vulnerability of the living condition come to expression as political agency? Can such precarious politics constitute or configure an alternative community?

Hunger Strike

“Instead of neatly separating the forms of resistance to biosovereignty into life-affirming struggles and necroresistance and mapping them (and life and death) onto the reform/revolt dichotomy, I suggest that we conceive life and death as relational rather than oppositional categories. For every differentiation and intensification of death creates new possibilities of life; and every differentiation and intensification of life entails experiences of “death” that cannot be reduced to the power of one’s death.”

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