xbn .

In many ways, Bloch’s work inverts the classic dictum of political theology advanced by Carl Schmitt, that “all significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts.” For Bloch, theological concepts are intimations of the freedom of the secular and revolutionary socialist society.

[The] counter-blow against the oppressor is biblical, too.

Bloch, Atheism in Christianity, 13.

The diverse and voluminous writings of Ernst Bloch (1885-1977) frequently invite comparison to his friends and fellow-travelers Walter Benjamin and Theodor Adorno. Like those authors, he was a Marxist cultural critic grounded in German literary and philosophical culture.  Bloch and Benjamin shared interests in mystical traditions, alternative historiography, and popular culture. And, like Adorno, Bloch endured a long exile in America, emigrating in 1938 to escape the Nazis and only returning to Europe in 1949. He then taught in Leipzig, in East Germany, until his forced retirement in 1957.

Bloch is less read and studied than Benjamin and Adorno. Why? I’ve always believed that one answer is his incorrigible optimism, legible in the titles of his works from his first major work, 1918’s The Spirit of Utopia, to his three-volume masterpiece, The Principle of Hope, completed in the 1950s at Harvard’s Widener Reading Room during the course of Bloch’s lengthy exile in the US. Utopia and hope are Bloch’s great themes, and in The Principle of Hope the author compiles an improbable encyclopedia of revolutionary anticipations drawn from the most diverse corners of world art and culture, from daydreams to pantomime, and from William Morris to the Ku Klux Klan. 

Another reason for Bloch’s relative desuetude is his preoccupation with religion. In recent decades, especially since the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the fall of the Soviet Union, philosophical and theological discourses linking Marxism and Christianity have become more commonplace. During the heyday of twentieth-century “actually existing socialisms” in Stalinist Russia and Maoist China, however, doctrinaire atheism and anti-clericalism was de rigueur (and often enforced by state terror). In this context, Bloch is noteworthy for his commitment to the view not only that religious visions of liberation anticipate the Marxist project of working-class freedom, but that in fact contemporary Marxists must study religious and eschatological visions as precursors of the completed socialist revolution. In many ways, Bloch’s work inverts the classic dictum of political theology advanced by Carl Schmitt, that “all significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts.” For Bloch, theological concepts are intimations of the freedom of the secular and revolutionary socialist society.

The closest orthodox Marxism got to countenancing Bloch’s kind of study was Engels’s Peasant War in Germany, written in the aftermath of the failed European revolutions of 1848. Engels’s specific claim in this study of the insurrections of 1525, which were spurred by the Protestant Reformation and led by radical reformers like the preacher Thomas Müntzer, was that “political and religious theories were not the causes, but the result of that stage of development of agriculture, industry, land and waterways, commerce and finance, which then existed in Germany.” Despite this claim, Engels’s work made the Peasants’ War and the question it posed about the relationship between religion and economic conditions a privileged (and proper) area of subsequent Marxist study, which Bloch himself took up in his own study, 1921’s Thomas Münzer as Theologian of the Revolution, and again in later writings.

Bloch’s books, no matter how widely they might rove, almost always led to Marx’s work and Marxism as the fulfillment of humanity’s utopian striving. In the last section of The Spirit of Utopia,“Karl Marx, Death, and the Apocalypse,” Bloch writes: “Within such a functional correlation of disburdening and spirit, Marxism and religion, united in the will to the Kingdom, flows the ultimate master system of all the tributaries: the Soul, the Messiah, and the Apocalypse, which represents the act of awakening in totality, provide the final impulses to do and to know, for the a priori of all politics and culture.” This extract not only provides a specimen of Bloch’s dense early style (often characterized as “Expressionist”), it illustrates his unique linkage between religious eschatology and political revolution. Here Bloch sets up the similarity between faith and Marxism as “the will to the kingdom”. The apocalypse of scripture is identified with insurrectionary uprise as “the act of awakening in totality”.

Similarly, after over thirteen hundred pages The Principle of Hope concludes with one of the most famous passages from Bloch’s writings, which also appeals to Marx’s thought as the apotheosis of “the working, creating human being who reshapes and overhauls the given facts.” Bloch writes, “Once he has grasped himself and established what is his, without expropriation and alienation, in real democracy, there arises in the world something which shines into the childhood of all and in which no one has yet been: homeland.”

Marx’s concern with the radical (the root of things) is shared by New Testament figures from John the Baptist, who declared that “the axe is laid unto the root of the trees” (Matthew 3:10), to Christ, who taught in the parable of the sower that certain plants “withered because they had no root” (Matthew 13:6). Part of the original Christian message was a radical revaluation of Israel’s legal and prophetic tradition and a thoroughgoing denunciation of the power of Rome and all other empires. But this core message has been buried under millennia of imperial hermeneutics and theology, and the consequence is that we latecomers must learn to read the Bible itself against the grain. As Bloch remarks in his most sustained engagement with Biblical faith, Atheism in Christianity, “Church and Bible are not one and the same. The Bible has always been the Church’s bad conscience.”

In Atheism in Christianity, we encounter Bloch as theologian, wading in to scriptural interpretation, speculative relations between early Christianity and Hellenistic mystery-religions, and “Bible criticism as detective work.” It’s a volume that can sit comfortably on the shelf with the documents of what’s been called the “Pauline turn” in Continental philosophy —Jacob Taubes’s Political Theology of Paul, Giorgio Agamben’s The Time That Remains, and Badiou’s Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism. Like these books, Bloch’s provocatively-titled work seeks to dialectically extract a core of hope from the faith of the Christian tradition, believing that this “hope is able to inherit those features of religion that do not perish with the death of God.” On the final pages, Bloch declares:

When Christians are really concerned with the emancipation of those who labor and are heavy-laden, and when Marxists retain the depths of the Kingdom of Freedom as the real content of revolutionary consciousness on the road to becoming true substance, the alliance between revolution and Christianity founded in the Peasant Wars may live again—this time with success. Florian Geyer, the great fighter of those wars, is reputed to have had the words “Nulla crux, nulla corona” scratched on the blade of his sword. That could be the motto of a Christianity free, at last, from alienation. And the far-reaching, inexhaustible depths of emancipation in those words could also serve as a motto for a Marxism aware of its depths.

Bloch, Atheism in Christianity, 256.

We’re back to the German Peasants’ Wars, as “the alliance between revolution and Christianity,” here figured by the historical figure Florian Geyer, who Bloch esteems as something like a sixteenth-century Lenin. But Bloch also raises a central point of tension in the relationship between Christianity and Marxism: the issue of violence.  

In addition to Bloch’s optimism, I suspect that one reason Bloch is often overlooked is his very late break with Stalinism. He remained one of the faithful after Khrushchev’s “Secret Speech” denouncing Stalin, and after the events of 1956 in Hungary. His version of Marxism is not separable from the revolutionary violence and state terror advocated as instruments of policy by Lenin, and turned into a despotic nightmare by Stalin. Those of us who today claim the name of communist must reckon with the legacy of the twentieth-century “actually existing socialisms,” just as those of us who claim the name of Christian must confront centuries of colonialism, imperialism, white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, and religious intolerance. In both cases the question of violence sits squarely at the center.

Finally, there is the question of faith itself.  Ernst Bloch was an atheist Marxist who fervently believed that Christianity and other religions held the key to a liberated society in this life. In a volume entitled On Karl Marx which was, like Atheism in Christianity, published in 1968, Bloch announced that the “inhumanity of our world certainly has many reasons to fear the final celebration of Marxism, and the cancellation, once and for all, of any bondage—of any master-slave relationship.” But what if a belief in the actual teachings of revealed religion is a precondition of their liberating power? What if Jesus is Lord, and God is not dead? 

Bloch cites the legend on Florian Geyer’s sword, Nulla crux, nulla corona, and seems to read it as a precursor to the anarchist slogan “No gods, no masters.” But the Latin admits of another reading, familiar to some of us from church and providing the title of a 1669 work by William Penn: No Cross, No Crown —meaning that Christians will not receive the “crown of life” (Revelation 2:10) unless they “take up the cross” (Luke 9:23) of suffering, including the struggle against unjust worldly powers enacted by believers like Thomas Müntzer or, closer to our own time, Dietrich Bonhoeffer and Franz Jägerstätter. Might there be something indispensable to religious belief as such? After the disenchantments of the twentieth century, we are now in a position to ask whether religious belief, rather than being a supplement to radical thought, may turn out to be more radical than all the secular Marxism in the world.

Annotated Bibliography

Bloch, Ernst. Thomas Münzer als Theologe der Revolution. Wolff, 1921.

Bloch’s early monograph on the radical theologian of the German Peasants’ War remains untranslated.  Following the historical work of Friedrich Engels on this tumultuous period, Bloch examines Münzer’s theology as an anticipation of subsequent revolutionary upheavals.

Bloch, Ernst. Geist der Utopie. Paul Cassirer, 1923. English translation: The Spirit of Utopia. Stanford, 2000.

This early publication, characteristic of the “Expressionist” style of Bloch’s first publications, foreshadows the author’s lifelong preoccupation with utopian transformation of social conditions.  The Spirit of Utopia bears comparison with some of the more experimental writings of Bloch’s friend Walter Benjamin.

Bloch, Ernst. Das Prinzip Hoffnung. Suhrkamp, 1959. English translation: The Principle of Hope. Basil Blackwell, 1986.

Bloch’s three-volume magnum opus was largely written during his period of American exile after flight from the Nazis.  It’s an encyclopedia of myths, fantasies, artworks and daydreams, conceived as the “anticipatory consciousness” pointing humanity towards its liberated future.

Bloch, Ernst. Atheismus in Christentum. Suhrkamp, 1968. English translation: Atheism in Christianity. Verso, 2009.

This late text is Bloch’s most sustained engagement with Christianity.  By turns historical and speculative, it seeks to extract the revolutionary core from an often-reactionary tradition.

Kojin Karatani

A short overview of Kojin Karatani’s Marxist influenced focus on modes of exchange as revealing the Borromean ring of Capital-Nation-State, and the import of this ring for religion.

Silvia Federici

Federici provides a model for political theologians engaging with race, gender, and sexuality through the lens of capitalist oppression

Luce Irigaray

“Perhaps it is in precisely this ambivalent way that air (and Irigaray) reminds us of just how much we belong—to the air itself, to this emptiness that hovers and sings in lifedeath. We might forget air, we might forget that we breathe, or how to breathe. But air does not forget us. And air will never cease to carry us, to lift us up, to set us into flight, even when we no longer live in a body that tried (if unsuccessfully) to fly.”

Niklas Luhmann

David Kline introduces the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann for political theology and reflects on how it might think about its own limits of observation.

N. Katherine Hayles

A reflection on the political implications of N. Katherine Hayles’ critical aesthetic inquiry into the ecological relationships between the human and the technological, thought and cognition, and information and materiality.

Isabelle Stengers

Isabelle Stengers, continental philosopher of science, offers pragmatic resources for animating thinking with interest and passion, affirming heresy over conformity and undercutting the all-too-common binaries of religion/science and science/fiction.

François Laruelle

“[For] quantum gnostics, there has never been a creation of the world or in the world—it is the world that is ‘wicked’ or ‘evil’, and consequently also the God who claimed to have created it and yet hesitates to assume it.”

Enrique Dussel

Rafael Vizcaíno offers a biographical introduction to the philosophical work of Enrique Dussel, a major figure of the decolonial turn. Separate from his theology, Dussel’s philosophy of liberation offers crucial reflections for contemporary political theology.

Claude Lefort

It is as productive to think with as it is to think against Claude Lefort, a revolutionary-turned-philosopher who analyzed power and the political regimes to which it gives rise.

Fred Moten

Moten’s prophecy bespeaks aesthetic registers in ordinary (Black) life, but he denies that the aesthetic is redemptive.

Saba Mahmood

Saba Mahmood (1962-2018) was a pioneering anthropologist of Islam and secularism, a feminist theorist of gender and religion, and a critic of liberal certainties.

Paul Virilio

Paul Virilio, one of France’s foremost theorists of speed and technology, is a deep well for doing political theology in an apocalyptic time.

Stuart Hall

The late public intellectual Stuart Hall, with his concept of the conjuncture, assists political theology in analyzing our current moment and potential interventions.

Talal Asad

Rather than establishing structural analogies or historical filiations between “religion” and “politics” (terms he opens to question), Talal Asad urges attention to shifts in the grammar of concepts across different situations.

Quentin Meillassoux

Meillassoux’s thinking of post-Copernican cosmic immanence and cosmic delegitimation constitutes a challenge to political theology as still predominantly Ptolemaic in its assumptions and focus

Hannah Arendt

Hannah Arendt argued that interreligious difference and Christian theology are steady influences on political movements, action, and thought.

Catherine Malabou

To read Catherine Malabou is to embark upon an adventure of thought. Her writing demands change from her readers if they are to follow her on that adventure. It is a process of change that is sometimes joyful, sometimes painful.

Jean-François Lyotard

Lyotard’s thought as it appears in Le Différend describes a linguistic state that evades speech, and the ways in which justice could be done to it, or not. Bearing witness to unpronounceable utterances brings about the idea of faith.

Aime Césaire

This essay will uplift Césaire’s anticolonial consciousness, in hopes that new directions in political theology might emerge/surface

Jacob Taubes

Taubes’s thought revolves around two poles, philosophy of history and political theology, with the aim of inverting the Schmittian position and thinking a new form of community by means of an innovative return to Paul of Tarsus and Walter Benjamin.

Gloria Anzaldúa

Anzaldúa develops a theory of this borderlands consciousness through the experiential and embodied knowledges of Chicanx (and women of color) feminisms; or what she calls a ‘mestiza consciousness’.

Martin Buber

Meeting Martin Buber, in other words, means meeting the voice behind the words, a man who did not always know how to “recover from institutions.”

Han Byung-Chul

Psychopolitics is Han’s main contribution to political theory. It reflects Han’s rethinking of Bentham’s panopticon and Foucault’s biopower as disciplinary society transitioned into a digital achievement society that defines our contemporary neoliberal globalized world.

Jean-Luc Marion

[Marion’s] central concepts and phenomenological method offer an ambiguous resource for political theology: on the one hand, he articulates a rigorous method of doing phenomenology which is trained to remain open to phenomena historically ignored and marginalized, and on the other hand, his own conclusions can veer towards a Christian triumphalism which is in danger of betraying the primary aim of his philosophical project.

Kuan-Hsing Chen

Chen suggests that Western political theologians should incorporate more resources from local knowledge—such as popular culture, literature, films, and music—in order to notice resistance in daily life.

Judith Butler

Judith Butler’s work has altered the trajectories of multiple disciplines in the last thirty years; what can they teach scholars of political theology?

Anibal Quijano

Quijano reimagines the long-lasting and contemporary status of colonialism seen through the lenses of race, modernity/rationality, and economic exploitation, encouraging us to produce theological and political critiques from the ever-enduring nature of coloniality.

Michel Henry

What [Henry’s] oeuvre offers political theology is a reimagining of what constitutes life together—an attention to Life and thereby, spirituality.

Cedric Robinson

Vega focuses on three Robinsonian concepts that are useful for political theology: racial capitalism, Black radical tradition, and African metaphysics.

Marcella Althaus-Reid

Althaus-Reid’s work asks whether Political Theology is capable of accounting for the power of sex, a power that comes to the fore if the theologian focuses on queer bodies.

Julia Kristeva

Kristeva’s psychoanalytic approach and practice shed light on the unconscious, affective, and bodily formation(s) of religious and political discourses and systems.

Achille Mbembe

Achille Mbembe’s work excavates the legacies of colonial reason and violence shaping the powers of death in the world today.

Frank Wilderson III

Wilderson doesn’t use the term “zombies” in his work. But his afropessimist stance includes a set of concepts—social death, gratuitous violence, sentient (but not living) existence—that could be easily applied to any episode of The Walking Dead.

Adriana Cavarero

Cavarero’s feminist theory of nonviolence takes the biblical commandment of “Thou Shall Not Kill” as its starting point. This commandment is ethical (it is about one’s relationships with others) and religious (it is about one’s relationship with God), but it is also political (without it, political communities cannot exist).

Jean-Luc Nancy

The subtlety and poetry of Nancy’s language can mask the rigor and the urgency of his thinking. I hope to share that rigor and urgency here, particularly as it relates to global capitalism, Christianity, and ontology.

Roberto Esposito

In Esposito’s most explicit political theology work, he is concerned with re-working, or rather destabilizing, the essence of political theology.

Ernst Bloch

In many ways, Bloch’s work inverts the classic dictum of political theology advanced by Carl Schmitt, that “all significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts.” For Bloch, theological concepts are intimations of the freedom of the secular and revolutionary socialist society.

The Invisible Committee

The Invisible Committee may be productively, albeit counterintuitively, understood as Gnostic, a perspective that will put into question some of the assumptions behind the way the political and the theological are demarcated from and related to each other in contemporary debates.

Gil Anidjar

While Carl Schmitt claims that the enemy constitutes “the political,” his various writings largely ignore the historical and discursive evolution of the enemy. Anidjar’s major contribution to modern political theology lies in responding to this lacuna.

Sara Ahmed

Scholars and activists cannot rely on fact-checking or dry reason in this political climate. We have to feel our way toward change.

Hortense Spillers

What would it mean for scholarship in political theology to claim monstrosity? Perhaps it would mean focusing on underappreciated aspects of the Christian tradition, and other religious traditions, particularly those developed by women’s intellectual labor.

Lauren Berlant

Berlant is our preeminent contemporary theorist of how intimate practices bleed into and with national formations, and condition specific and powerful fantasies for what a good life or functional society would involve. To read their work is to become attuned to a set of dynamics that can be excavated in any given scene: the attachments being made and unmade, the forms of belonging that flash up and dissolve, the feeling-worlds that mediate everyday life, what remains unfinished.

Critical Theory for Political Theology: From Theorists to Keywords

We launched this series to make available theoretical resources that keep pace with the concerns raised by those working with political theology today, whose interests are increasingly tied not only to questions of genealogy, speculation, and political modernity, but also to questions of race, colonialism, gender, sexuality, disability, ecology, labor, finance capitalism, and economies of affect. 

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