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In Esposito’s most explicit political theology work, he is concerned with re-working, or rather destabilizing, the essence of political theology.

Roberto Esposito is an Italian philosopher whose writing crosses disciplinary divides. Born in 1950, Esposito studied at the University of Naples Federico II and graduated in 1973. Currently, he teaches philosophy at the Scuola Normale Superiore in Pisa, Italy.

While he is best known for his multi-volume political philosophical project on community (see Communitas, Immunitas, and Bíos), Esposito’s work also engages with biopolitics and the nature of the subject, as well as political theology, understood as an unstable yet overarching signifier whose content has been endless debated (by, for instance, Carl Schmitt, Erik Peterson, and Jacob Taubes), yet curiously presupposed (Two, 1-3). Political theology, for Esposito, is, fundamentally, a “performative mechanism” rather than a “historical fact [or] a conceptual category” (Two, 72).

In Esposito’s work, the formative ligaments connecting community and political theology could be distilled down to a single element: the contours of the subject, including its connection to the body politic.(Immunitas, 68-72). The “performative mechanism” of political theology has underwritten what it means to be a person, even impacting professed non-theological accounts of the subject (Terms of the Political, 115). In the end, Esposito’s account of the subject questions the dynamics at the heart of capitalist subjectivity and how the person relates to themself and others.

In Esposito’s most explicit work on political theology, he is concerned with re-working, or rather destabilizing, the essence of political theology. While destabilization of the “machine” of political theology—political theology’s dual nature as both universal and autopoietic—is a goal of Esposito’s political theology (and economic theology) work, it is not isolated from his larger project on community and the subject. After all, capitalism molds the subject in line with its operations and values. It is a machine that is “configured as a two-headed processonce facing toward desire and the other toward its capture” (Two, 194).


Esposito is most known for his work on community. Communitas: Origine e destino della comunità (1998, trans. as Communitas, 2010), enters into conversation with previous theorizations of community, foremost being Maurice Blanchot’s The Unavowable Community (1983), Jean-Luc Nancy’s The Inoperative Community (1986), and Giorgio Agamben’s The Coming Community (1993). It offers a pointed genealogy of community’s form in modern political philosophical thought, starting with Hobbes, moving through Rousseau, Kant, and Hegel, and ending with discussions of Nietzsche, Heidegger, and Bataille. In contrast with the focus of earlier works, Esposito is less concerned with centering notions of with-ness, literature, and communication, though he shares the goal of breaking from identity and belonging centered models of community.

Esposito notes that there is an intractable balancing act between the community and the subject. Two deadly pitfalls emerge. Community, often, either dissolves the subject or creates a hard separation between hyper-individualized subjects. The latter form is a false semblance of community that “[separates] the bodies so as to enclose each individual inside unbreakable boundaries” (Two, 167). While two distinct problems, both result in facades of community.

For Esposito, “community refers to a constitutive otherness that strips it of any identitarian connotation rather than to a property of belongingness of its members” (A Philosophy for Europe, 175). Property implies having or owning, but Esposito’s understanding of the subject eschews the subject’s self-ownership. Community, then, isn’t based on identitarian connections, on members having the same properties, or characteristics, or origin. Instead, community members are bound through voids, through debt, and through obligation (Communitas, 2-3, 6).

Community is etymologically associated with the munus (gift) and cum (with-ness). Esposito uses this etymology to underscore the point that the community is chiefly concerned with gifting rather than simply “being-with” (Communitas, 3-4). Gifting binds subjects together; however, for Esposito, the reason for gifting is due to a sort of deontological contract—a duty to give and an indebtedness that calls for gifting. Drawing on his reading of classical sources, Esposito identifies three components of the gift/munus: burden, duty, and the general gift.

The munus, in Esposito’s gloss, lacks expectation of return from the giver. This, at least superficially, overlays with dominant theological readings of grace which are linked to notions of the “free gift.” However, “freeness,” is usually qualified by a hidden expectation, such as believing or acting in a way that is worthy of receiving the initial gift.

Beyond the topic of grace, gestures to religious and theological terms show up often in Esposito’s work on community and biopolitics. For instance, Esposito introduces the complexities of community by pointing to the eucharist, Pauline koinonia (community) (Communitas, 9-12), and katechon (Immunitas, 52-74). Though, katechon exists as a kind of essential obverse of community, acting as an agent policing the boundaries of community (an immunitarian agent).

Esposito’s account of community resituates the political around mutual commitment; the ever-present duty to gift creates a common debt that lies at the center of the community. One is both consistently in debt and called to gift. There is a type of social circularity, but also an emphasis on “obligation” rather than “demanding” or “asking.” Esposito explains:

…the munus that the communitas shares isn’t a property or a possession. It isn’t having, but on the contrary, is a debt, a pledge, a gift that is to be given, and that therefore will establish a lack. The subjects of community are united by an ‘obligation,’ in the sense that we say ‘I owe you something,’ but not ‘you owe me something’

Communitas, 6

Esposito focuses community around the munus, or a form of non-remunerative gifting, rather than a gifting that ties two distinct subjects in obligation, or the usual alternative of with-ness, cum, which can side-step the multiple elements found in munus (debt, duty, gift, etc). The gift is not simply part of an exchange, but part of a duty to give without an expectation of return.


Communities without safeguards fall. This is precisely the importance of the immunitas for Esposito, a term which is a sort of obverse of community. Esposito notes that the “immunis is he or she who is exempt or exonerated” from the demands–the duty of the gift–of the community (Terms of the Political, 38-39).

The immunitarian agent negates community only to the extent that it saves individuals from possible excesses found in giving. The immunitarian agent is given the gift of not gifting; it exists as a sort of boundary around the community. Unlike a hard border, the immunitarian agent, like a body’s immune system, is present to assist with inoculation and invite from the outside. The immune system not only opens the borders of the body, accepting foreign material, but also augments the foreign material, in-corporating it.

As with bodies, immunity can develop into autoimmunity, where the immune system attacks or atrophies the body it exists to protect. Esposito writes that “once pushed beyond a certain limit, which was crossed long ago, [immunity] forces our lives into a cage where not only our freedom ends up withering away but also the meaning of existence itself—that opening toward the outside called communitas” (A Philosophy for Europe, 176). Concretely applying this theory, Esposito highlights the biological and medical terminology of the Nazi regime, whose [auto-]immunological reasoning rationalized the murder of millions of innocent people (Terms of the Political, 84-87).

Political Theology

In Two, Esposito wants to problematize the conceptual space of political theology, which is inescapable from our conceptions of the world. He worries, “We have neither mental schemas nor linguistic models that are free from its syntax” (Two, 1). That inescapability is where the force of political theology lies. Political theology, according to Esposito, impacts conceptions of the subject.

In order to find a way past the dominance of political theology, Esposito turns to Heidegger and his concept of “machination.” Machination is the metaphysical structure that upholds enchantment and disenchantment. For instance, in the push-pull of religion and secularization wherein secularity is the disenchantment of religion, machination is the entirety of that entwined duality. Machination describes the reinforcement of one by the other. There is a reciprocal quality, a simultaneous incorporation and negation.

This holds even for political theology models that depart from dominant ones, such as Assmann’s reversal of Schmitt’s thesis. Instead of political theory being founded in theology, Assmann maintains that “theological dogmas are rooted in political semantics” (Two, 70). Further, there is an “inevitability of their involvement, in a form that both politicizes theology and theologizes politics” (Two, 5).

How does this all concretely connect to the dispositif of the person? Personhood is bound to notions of property. One is not a person without the ability to own oneself. As Esposito says, “The person is what directs its own bodily part, which is thus placed in a position of ontological inferiority” (Two, 8-9). To illustrate this point, Esposito employs examples of the enslaved and those with diminished mental capacity.

At first, these two categories do not seem linked, neither the enslaved nor those with diminished capacity can own themselves. With the enslaved, we see the realization of Roman legal traditions carried on in Christian thought. Secularity does not escape this negligence either, as evidenced by popular figures like Peter Singer, who draw from these traditions of political theology and reject the personhood of humans with diminished capacity. For these figures, “[o]nly a being who thinks can be introduced into the sovereign enclosure of personhood” (Two, 9).

Political theology is “neither a simple historical fact nor a conceptual category, but [is] a performative mechanism that acts on what it takes hold of, in some way separating the latter from itself” (Two, 72). This is broader than persons, but ultimately effects subjects and their relations with self and others.

If personhood is usually constituted by the division between thought and body, then thought must be opened up as a potentiality, no longer bound to personal ownership. That way, there are no hierarchies based on obtaining higher levels of thinking. To Esposito, notions of the person that privilege the thinking self’s ownership of the body have to destabilized. Esposito is careful, however, to say that this is “not the negation of the person, but its affirmative liberation from the dispositif that divides it from itself” (Two, 197).

Drawing on figures like Spinoza, Averroes, Nietzsche, and Deleuze, Esposito finds sources where thought is not constituted as a “property of the few.” Instead, thought is an exteriority that is revealed, or instantiated, through subjects.

Averroes is a premier example, because, to him, thought “is in itself independent of the biographical events in the life of the individual, because it precedes this individual in time” and exists beyond death (Two, 148). Averroes’ impersonalization of thought anticipates the “modern dispositif[s] of the person. . . and even divested [modern dispositifs of the person] of their political-theological foundation” (Two, 149).

This democratization of thought shows a way beyond the “machine of political theology.” It removes the propertied aspect of personhood which Esposito sees as necessary to think beyond the confines of political theology. This attempt follows the train of thought found in Esposito’s broader work, which is concerned with the relation between notions of the proper and the political nature of the subject. His critique of the dispositif of the proper is meant to highlight the universal understanding of the subject as an owning-being, a subject understood primarily as a thing that appropriates, including its own private self. A community bound to identity and self-ownership falls into auto-immunity.

However, Esposito explicitly shows political theology’s connections between our relation to the proper and seemingly inescapable political theological legacies, including those legacies of property (self-ownership) that cement capitalism.

Annotated Bibliography

Communitas: The Origin and Destiny of Community. Stanford University Press, 2010 [1998].

Communitas is a good full-length entry point for new readers of Esposito. While a dense volume, it provides a foundation for subsequent works, expanding on concepts worked out in Terms of the Political, most notably communitas, immunitas, and munus. It also includes analyses of negation and sacrifice, as well as insightful readings of Bataille, Heidegger, Hobbes, and others.

Immunitas: The Protection and Negation of Life. Polity Press, 2011 [2002].

Immunitas is a follow-up to Communitas that includes some of his earliest and most explicit political theological work, with a section committed to the katechon.

Terms of the Political: Community, Immunity, Biopolitics. Fordham University Press, 2013 [2008].

As a collection of eleven essays, this book is the best text for readers who have never read any of Esposito’s work. It summarizes his work from the past few decades on community, the individual, and biopolitics.

Two: The Machine of Political Theology. Fordham Press, 2015 [2013].

In this volume, Esposito interrogates the concept of political theology, showing how it acts as an encompassing system that provides the vocabulary and space in which it is debated. To transverse the space of political theology, Esposito provides different ways for thinking about the place of thought and the conception of personhood, both of which are thoroughly indebted to the dual Roman and Christian history of political theology.

Kojin Karatani

A short overview of Kojin Karatani’s Marxist influenced focus on modes of exchange as revealing the Borromean ring of Capital-Nation-State, and the import of this ring for religion.

Silvia Federici

Federici provides a model for political theologians engaging with race, gender, and sexuality through the lens of capitalist oppression

Luce Irigaray

“Perhaps it is in precisely this ambivalent way that air (and Irigaray) reminds us of just how much we belong—to the air itself, to this emptiness that hovers and sings in lifedeath. We might forget air, we might forget that we breathe, or how to breathe. But air does not forget us. And air will never cease to carry us, to lift us up, to set us into flight, even when we no longer live in a body that tried (if unsuccessfully) to fly.”

Niklas Luhmann

David Kline introduces the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann for political theology and reflects on how it might think about its own limits of observation.

N. Katherine Hayles

A reflection on the political implications of N. Katherine Hayles’ critical aesthetic inquiry into the ecological relationships between the human and the technological, thought and cognition, and information and materiality.

Isabelle Stengers

Isabelle Stengers, continental philosopher of science, offers pragmatic resources for animating thinking with interest and passion, affirming heresy over conformity and undercutting the all-too-common binaries of religion/science and science/fiction.

François Laruelle

“[For] quantum gnostics, there has never been a creation of the world or in the world—it is the world that is ‘wicked’ or ‘evil’, and consequently also the God who claimed to have created it and yet hesitates to assume it.”

Enrique Dussel

Rafael Vizcaíno offers a biographical introduction to the philosophical work of Enrique Dussel, a major figure of the decolonial turn. Separate from his theology, Dussel’s philosophy of liberation offers crucial reflections for contemporary political theology.

Claude Lefort

It is as productive to think with as it is to think against Claude Lefort, a revolutionary-turned-philosopher who analyzed power and the political regimes to which it gives rise.

Fred Moten

Moten’s prophecy bespeaks aesthetic registers in ordinary (Black) life, but he denies that the aesthetic is redemptive.

Saba Mahmood

Saba Mahmood (1962-2018) was a pioneering anthropologist of Islam and secularism, a feminist theorist of gender and religion, and a critic of liberal certainties.

Paul Virilio

Paul Virilio, one of France’s foremost theorists of speed and technology, is a deep well for doing political theology in an apocalyptic time.

Stuart Hall

The late public intellectual Stuart Hall, with his concept of the conjuncture, assists political theology in analyzing our current moment and potential interventions.

Talal Asad

Rather than establishing structural analogies or historical filiations between “religion” and “politics” (terms he opens to question), Talal Asad urges attention to shifts in the grammar of concepts across different situations.

Quentin Meillassoux

Meillassoux’s thinking of post-Copernican cosmic immanence and cosmic delegitimation constitutes a challenge to political theology as still predominantly Ptolemaic in its assumptions and focus

Hannah Arendt

Hannah Arendt argued that interreligious difference and Christian theology are steady influences on political movements, action, and thought.

Catherine Malabou

To read Catherine Malabou is to embark upon an adventure of thought. Her writing demands change from her readers if they are to follow her on that adventure. It is a process of change that is sometimes joyful, sometimes painful.

Jean-François Lyotard

Lyotard’s thought as it appears in Le Différend describes a linguistic state that evades speech, and the ways in which justice could be done to it, or not. Bearing witness to unpronounceable utterances brings about the idea of faith.

Aime Césaire

This essay will uplift Césaire’s anticolonial consciousness, in hopes that new directions in political theology might emerge/surface

Jacob Taubes

Taubes’s thought revolves around two poles, philosophy of history and political theology, with the aim of inverting the Schmittian position and thinking a new form of community by means of an innovative return to Paul of Tarsus and Walter Benjamin.

Gloria Anzaldúa

Anzaldúa develops a theory of this borderlands consciousness through the experiential and embodied knowledges of Chicanx (and women of color) feminisms; or what she calls a ‘mestiza consciousness’.

Martin Buber

Meeting Martin Buber, in other words, means meeting the voice behind the words, a man who did not always know how to “recover from institutions.”

Han Byung-Chul

Psychopolitics is Han’s main contribution to political theory. It reflects Han’s rethinking of Bentham’s panopticon and Foucault’s biopower as disciplinary society transitioned into a digital achievement society that defines our contemporary neoliberal globalized world.

Jean-Luc Marion

[Marion’s] central concepts and phenomenological method offer an ambiguous resource for political theology: on the one hand, he articulates a rigorous method of doing phenomenology which is trained to remain open to phenomena historically ignored and marginalized, and on the other hand, his own conclusions can veer towards a Christian triumphalism which is in danger of betraying the primary aim of his philosophical project.

Kuan-Hsing Chen

Chen suggests that Western political theologians should incorporate more resources from local knowledge—such as popular culture, literature, films, and music—in order to notice resistance in daily life.

Judith Butler

Judith Butler’s work has altered the trajectories of multiple disciplines in the last thirty years; what can they teach scholars of political theology?

Anibal Quijano

Quijano reimagines the long-lasting and contemporary status of colonialism seen through the lenses of race, modernity/rationality, and economic exploitation, encouraging us to produce theological and political critiques from the ever-enduring nature of coloniality.

Michel Henry

What [Henry’s] oeuvre offers political theology is a reimagining of what constitutes life together—an attention to Life and thereby, spirituality.

Cedric Robinson

Vega focuses on three Robinsonian concepts that are useful for political theology: racial capitalism, Black radical tradition, and African metaphysics.

Marcella Althaus-Reid

Althaus-Reid’s work asks whether Political Theology is capable of accounting for the power of sex, a power that comes to the fore if the theologian focuses on queer bodies.

Julia Kristeva

Kristeva’s psychoanalytic approach and practice shed light on the unconscious, affective, and bodily formation(s) of religious and political discourses and systems.

Achille Mbembe

Achille Mbembe’s work excavates the legacies of colonial reason and violence shaping the powers of death in the world today.

Frank Wilderson III

Wilderson doesn’t use the term “zombies” in his work. But his afropessimist stance includes a set of concepts—social death, gratuitous violence, sentient (but not living) existence—that could be easily applied to any episode of The Walking Dead.

Adriana Cavarero

Cavarero’s feminist theory of nonviolence takes the biblical commandment of “Thou Shall Not Kill” as its starting point. This commandment is ethical (it is about one’s relationships with others) and religious (it is about one’s relationship with God), but it is also political (without it, political communities cannot exist).

Jean-Luc Nancy

The subtlety and poetry of Nancy’s language can mask the rigor and the urgency of his thinking. I hope to share that rigor and urgency here, particularly as it relates to global capitalism, Christianity, and ontology.

Roberto Esposito

In Esposito’s most explicit political theology work, he is concerned with re-working, or rather destabilizing, the essence of political theology.

Ernst Bloch

In many ways, Bloch’s work inverts the classic dictum of political theology advanced by Carl Schmitt, that “all significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts.” For Bloch, theological concepts are intimations of the freedom of the secular and revolutionary socialist society.

The Invisible Committee

The Invisible Committee may be productively, albeit counterintuitively, understood as Gnostic, a perspective that will put into question some of the assumptions behind the way the political and the theological are demarcated from and related to each other in contemporary debates.

Gil Anidjar

While Carl Schmitt claims that the enemy constitutes “the political,” his various writings largely ignore the historical and discursive evolution of the enemy. Anidjar’s major contribution to modern political theology lies in responding to this lacuna.

Sara Ahmed

Scholars and activists cannot rely on fact-checking or dry reason in this political climate. We have to feel our way toward change.

Hortense Spillers

What would it mean for scholarship in political theology to claim monstrosity? Perhaps it would mean focusing on underappreciated aspects of the Christian tradition, and other religious traditions, particularly those developed by women’s intellectual labor.

Lauren Berlant

Berlant is our preeminent contemporary theorist of how intimate practices bleed into and with national formations, and condition specific and powerful fantasies for what a good life or functional society would involve. To read their work is to become attuned to a set of dynamics that can be excavated in any given scene: the attachments being made and unmade, the forms of belonging that flash up and dissolve, the feeling-worlds that mediate everyday life, what remains unfinished.

Critical Theory for Political Theology: From Theorists to Keywords

We launched this series to make available theoretical resources that keep pace with the concerns raised by those working with political theology today, whose interests are increasingly tied not only to questions of genealogy, speculation, and political modernity, but also to questions of race, colonialism, gender, sexuality, disability, ecology, labor, finance capitalism, and economies of affect. 

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